Illinois Democrats position themselves as a "big
tent" party, attracting voters of varying backgrounds and statuses to
the ticket. Heading into 2024, the question remains whether downstate
voters will enter the fold.Democrats' literal
tent at the DuQuoin State Fair was part of their ongoing outreach to
voters in deep red southern Illinois, ahead of an election battle for
the White House, Congress, Illinois General Assembly, state Supreme
Court and other local races.
Attending the tent
was Marion resident Kelly Foster, a lifetime Democrat who has
fundraised for candidates dating back to Paul Simon's campaigns for U.S.
Senate. She is a member of a group known as Southern Illinois
Democratic Women who are advocating voters to vote blue in the 2024
local and statewide races.
What the work looks like is promoting the work of
President Joe Biden, the party's presumptive presidential nominee, such
as the $65 billion Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act.
"All
you have to do is drive on our roads and see those that need some work
and those that are getting work," she said. "Joe Biden needs to get some
credit for that."Democrats still hold sway in pockets of downstate, paving the way for
state Reps. Jay Hoffman, D-Belleville, and Katie Stuart, D-Edwardsville,
to win convincingly last November. Hoffman, in his sixth term, has won
all of his races by more than 15 points.
In statewide elections, however, success in the
region has alluded the party for years. Flip the calendar back to 2006
for the last time a Democratic gubernatorial candidate had a strong
performance. That's when incumbent Gov. Rod Blagojevich used support
along the Ohio River to secure a second term.
No
other Democrat running for governor or other statewide candidate has
fared as well. Even Democrats' most electorally popular officeholder -
Comptroller Susana Mendoza - still routinely lost counties in southern
Illinois by more than 50 points last November.
Downstate counties such as Shelby County, home to
just more than 20,000 residents, have grown increasingly conservative.
Gubernatorial candidate Glenn Poshard was the last Democrat to carry the
county in 1998, joining a host of regional counties to back the
unsuccessful campaign.
Fast forward to 2022,
Shelby County voters gave Republican gubernatorial challenger Darren
Bailey and U.S. Rep. Mary Miller, R-Oakland, close to 60% margins of
victory over Democrats.
County GOP chair Ross Wilson credited his party's
success, in part, to a robust door-knocking campaign - boosted by a
funding advantage over Shelby County Democrats - and a messaging based
around the issues.
Wilson, chair since March,
said rural counties are tired of a lack of accountability in Springfield
and the "ridiculous" budgets passed by lawmakers. The issues of urban
areas also seem to be prioritized, he said, leaving rural voters to feel
not adequately represented.
The chance for Democrats to turn attitudes around come 2024 could be dim.
"I didn't think so other than changing their philosophy and belief system, which isn't going to happen," Wilson said.
The
sentiment of a rural-urban divide has played out on the floors of the
state legislature, where downstate conservative lawmakers often claim
legislation is too Chicago-centric. Most recently, GOP legislators have
said the end of cash bail,
effective Monday in Illinois, will ask more of state's attorneys. The
impact opponents say will be especially hard on downstate counties with
fewer resources.Others have gone as far as to push for separating Chicago from the rest
of Illinois. Bailey had previously endorsed the idea and repetitively
slammed the city on the campaign trail, infamously calling the city a
"hellhole." The strategy appeared to resonate with voters in most
counties, where he won 89 of 102 counties, but he still lost out on the
governorship by double digits.
This trend of Republicans winning more counties,
but still losing the popular vote extends beyond Bailey in Illinois,
said Southern Illinois University Carbondale’s Paul Simon Public Policy
Institute visitor professor John Jackson.
Jackson
said Democrats have found a winning strategy by trading "land for
voters," but perhaps at the result of losing more local races. Pushing
more cultural issues such as gun control and transgender rights has
played out in the suburbs, yet not downstate for Democrats.
"I
think in a nutshell, culture wars have won out over economic and
educational issues that used to drive that conversation," Jackson said
in a recent interview.
Pritzker, party leadership address the challenge
Last year, the Democratic Party of Illinois decided to go in a new direction by electing state Rep. Lisa Hernandez,
D-Cicero, as its chair. Replacing U.S. Rep. Robin Kelly, she was
brought in to address the party's shortcomings downstate which some
Democrats admitted former party chair and House Speaker Michael Madigan
had effectively forgotten.
DPI helped downstate candidates in 2022 like
Hoffman and Stuart by funding mailers, spending hundreds of thousands on
their campaigns. With no statewide elections this year, the party
focused its attention on $300,000 in school and library board races
throughout the state leading to 84 of its 117 recommended candidates to
wins.
In the lead-up to next year's election,
the party is partnering with the Illinois Democratic County Chairs’
Association to recruit and train candidates up and down the ballot.
An
emphasis of the initiative will be identifying uncontested races after
more than 40% of Illinois General Assembly races saw only one candidate
make it to November ballots. The majority of Republicans' albeit few
wins last election were in uncontested races, four of those coming in
Sangamon County.
Sangamon County Democratic
Party chair Bill Houlihan voted for Hernandez last year and is hopeful
the plan will bring more competition in local races. Already, three
potential 2024 candidates have been identified in the Illinois 95th
House District represented by Rep. Mike Coffey, R-Springfield.
Turning the party's fortunes downstate will likely
take more than one election cycle, Houlihan said, but certain variables
such as a conviction of former President Donald Trump could budge the
needle.
Houlihan, who also serves as Illinois
13th District State Central Committeeman, added who the candidate is
often plays a much bigger factor than realized.
"Let's
be honest, most Americans are more in the middle than anywhere else,"
he said in an interview at the county party office in Springfield. "You
got 20% on the right fringe and 20% on the left fringe, and about 60% in
the middle. And in the middle is you know, who does a better job of
attracting them."
Pritzker was also a supporter
of Hernandez in an intraparty dispute that was eventually resolved with
a unanimous vote. The governor took three counties south of Sangamon in
his inaugural run for office in 2018, taking 16 overall, but only won
St. Clair County in 2022.
Still, he persists that his administration has
invested in the region unlike prior governors- rattling off about the
construction of new buildings at Southern Illinois University Carbondale
and John A. Logan College in Carterville.
Pritzker discussed the investments during a ribbon-cutting for Walker’s Bluff Casino Resort,
which will employ about 300 people and feature a hotel, restaurants,
and 1,200-seat event center in Williamson County. The state's 14th
casino will also send $25.3 million to the Rebuild Illinois fund to
upgrade infrastructure throughout Illinois.
"Southern
Illinois is no longer forgottonia," he said at a press conference last
month, playing off a term U.S. Sen. Dick Durbin used during his 1980s
congressional runs to describe western Illinois.
Republicans in 2024: Win back the suburbs
Pritzker
and Democrats as a whole have their strength in the Chicagoland area
known as the collar counties. Its newfound backing in DuPage, Kane, and
Kendall counties especially has fueled victories in all statewide
offices and super-majorities in the Illinois General Assembly.
Ahead of the 2024 election, Illinois Republicans
say they have to address the shortcoming. Regular roundtable discussions
are being conducted by the Illinois Republican Party to build this
strategy.
"If we are to win again in Illinois,
we have got to swing back the suburbs," party chair Don Tracy said
during an Illinois Republican County Chairmen's meeting in August.
More
than just the presidential race, at stake in Illinois come November
2024 are congressional races, all 118 House Districts and 20 state
Senate seats. Democrats hold a 78-40 super-majority in the House and a
40-19 advantage in the Senate- currently having 17 of the 20 seats up
for grabs next year.
Avoiding the abortion
issue, which has been defeated at the ballot box in conservative states,
might be seen as the way to win more votes in the suburbs. Abortion is
legal in Illinois and is supported by most voters, according to a 2022
Chicago Sun-Times/WBEZ poll.
Still, Republican
National Committeewoman Demetra Demonte promoted the discussion of
abortion on the campaign trail during the IRCC meeting.
"The Democrats won by spewing lies in 2022 and,
make no mistake, abortion will be their number one on their playbook in
2024. Why change a winning strategy?" she said. "We are the ones that
must change. We Republicans must put Democrats on the defensive on
abortion."
Addressing abortion is the subject
of divide among Republicans nationwide, where some have called for a
federal ban and some saying it's time to rebrand its "pro-life" stance
as "pro-baby."
While previously signing a bill
banning abortion after 20 weeks in her state, former South Carolina Gov.
Nikki Haley said during the GOP presidential debate last month that the
party needs to stop "demonizing the issue." Jackson said this is a path
for Republicans to turn their luck in the suburbs.
"Nikki
Haley was speaking for the position that you got to appeal to suburbs
and educated women," he said. "Republican men are doing a terrible job
of that."